Every state's own arrest data tracks race and ethnicity as two separate fields. Almost none of them report both together. When only race is shown, Hispanic and Middle Eastern/North African (MENA) arrestees vanish into the "White" count — Hispanic because most public reporting doesn't separate the ethnicity field that already exists; MENA because federal standards don't give it a separate field at all. We pull arrest records straight from each state's own system to show what "White" is actually hiding — state by state, on a rolling basis.
Every Idaho arrest report tracks two different things about the person arrested: their Race (White, Black, American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, or Unknown) and their Ethnicity (Hispanic or Latino, or Not) — two separate boxes on the same form.
Most published crime statistics only show Race. That means a Hispanic arrestee of any race gets folded into whichever race box was checked — usually White — with no way to tell them apart from anyone else in that box.
Why it matters: when "White" arrest numbers get cited — in news coverage, in political arguments, in comparisons between groups — nobody citing them knows that number may be one-third or more Hispanic, because the standard published report never shows the split. That's not a rounding error. In Texas, it's the difference between "White" meaning one thing and meaning something else entirely for 56% of the people counted in it. You can't have an honest conversation about crime statistics with a number that's silently mixing two different things together.
We pulled each state's actual arrest records straight from its own reporting system and cross-referenced both fields to show what's actually inside the numbers everyone else reports as one — then checked our pull against each state's own official published report, where one exists, to confirm we're not the only source saying this.
Every state tracks Race and Ethnicity as separate fields on its own arrest forms — what differs is whether the state's own public reporting keeps Hispanic arrestees separate from "White," or lets them quietly get folded in. This isn't a red-state or blue-state pattern — it cuts across party lines. "Hides It" states publish a "White" number that includes Hispanic arrestees with nothing to tell them apart. "Corrects It" states already exclude Hispanic from White by default. Live data, pulled directly from each state's own system.
| State | Lean | Status | White Total | Hispanic in White | % Hidden |
|---|
This is a separate finding from the arrest-data scorecard above — not "hidden in White," but "never tracked at all." Sex offender registries are public safety lookup tools, not built for aggregate reporting the way UCR crime data is. We read only the public Race field from each registrant record to build a statistical tally — no names, addresses, photos, or other identifying details were stored anywhere in this process. None of the three registries checked so far have an Ethnicity field whatsoever, so unlike arrest data, there's no way to even partially recover how many "White" registrants are Hispanic or MENA — that population is simply invisible here, with no hidden field left to check.
| State | Has Ethnicity Field? | Registrants Scanned | White | Black | Am. Indian/AK Native | Asian/PI | Unknown |
|---|
White-race arrestees only, since that's where the miscount hides. "Hisp. %" is the share of each county's White-coded arrestees who were separately marked Hispanic or Latino. "Unk./NR" combines Unknown and Not Reported ethnicity — the data-completeness gap, shown openly rather than smoothed over. 2024 data, sorted by total White-coded arrests.
| County | White Total | Hispanic | Not Hisp. | Unk./NR | Hisp. % |
|---|
Idaho was the pilot. Seven states are live now, each pulled directly from its own public system — we're adding more on a rolling basis, using the identical NIBRS fields every state already reports to the FBI.